Obama's "More Perfect Union" Speech

As we are all aware i'm sure, Barack Obama has encountered some recent criticizm for his choice of churches. His pastor, Jeremiah Wright, has been scrutinized for a number of comments he has made in various sermons over the years. In response to such criticizms, Barack Obama gave a very powerful speech on the ongoing race problems that have plagued our nation. I decided to post this on our website because the early parts of his speech center on the Founding Fathers and on the early roots of this nation. It contunues to amaze me when I consider the fact that our founder's legacy is still very much with us.

Obama's notion that the legacy of the American Revolution and the Constitution are "stained by this nation's original sin of slavery" has been a constant source of debate and argument in almost every corner of the historical, religious, political and public communitites of this country. It is an issue that inspired Americans over the centuries from Lincoln and Douglass, to Martin Luther King.

Whether or not you support Obama is not my concern in this posting. I simply wanted to present yet another angle to the ongoing debates that span the entire history of our nation.

Washington and the Newburgh Conspiracy

After roughly eight years of bloddy warfare, the United States looked as though their dream of independence might come true after all. The American victory at Yorktown in 1781 had severely damaged England's desire for any further war, and the Fench involvement signified that the American cause for independence had propelled Britain into a virtual world war. Faced with such a predicament, the British were forced to consider a peace with their former colonies.

Before that peace could be negotiated, another two years would pass before both Britain and America sat down at the bargaining table. During this time, the Continental Congress faced a severe financial crisis, in which they were unable (or possibly not fully willing) to supply the army under Washington. Though the fighing had all but stopped, Washington was still forced to maintain the Continental Army until the final peace treaty was signed. As a result, the Continental Army suffered greatly in terms of hunger, lack of equiptment, fatigue and cold.

In response to these justifiable grievances, several officers withing the Continental Army formed an anonymous pact to overthrow the Continental Congress and extablish a new government. This coup was backed by several of Washington's most trusted men, who felt that the cause of liberty was being threatened by the politicians at home.

In the end, Washington was able to put down the rebellion, but it was far from easy. Here is an excellent article from the History Channel Website on how Washington handled the Newburgh Conspiracy, which was, in my opinion, Washington's finest hour:

When word of the letter and its call for an unsanctioned meeting of officers reached him, Washington issued a general order forbidding any unsanctioned meetings and called for a general assembly of officers for March 15. At the meeting, Washington began his speech to the officers by saying, “Gentlemen: By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene you together; how inconsistent with the rules of propriety! How unmilitary! And how subversive of all order and discipline...”

Washington continued by pledging, “to exert whatever ability I am possessed of, in your favor.” He added, “Let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures, which viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained; let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress.”

When he finished, Washington removed a letter from his breast pocket that he had received from a member of the Continental Congress. He hesitated for a moment as he looked down at the letter before fumbling to retrieve a pair of spectacles from his pocket. Before reading the letter, Washington, in an almost apologetic tone said, “Gentlemen, you must pardon me. I have grown old in the service of my country and now find that I am growing blind.” The eyes of most of his audience filled with tears. The content of the letter became irrelevant as the assembled officers realized that Washington had given as much or more in the service of the new nation as any of them. Within minutes, the officers voted unanimously to express confidence in Congress and their country.

In a letter to the Continental Congress dated March 18, 1783, Washington wrote to assure the body that the unrest of officers was over, writing, “The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the officers, which I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency for the inspection of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a Patriot army; and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the gratitude of their country.”

Joseph Ellis, The Obama Campaign, and Early American Politics

A couple of days ago, renowned historian Joseph Ellis wrote a piece in the Los Angeles Times that seeks to defend Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama. In the article, Ellis argues that Obama's message (which claims to unite Americans across party lines for change), should not be attacked by partisan politicians as being unAmerican. Instead, Ellis argues that Obama's message is as American as apple pie:

The watchword for all the founders was not "the people" but "the public," which they understood to mean the collective interest of the citizenry, more enduring than the popular opinion of fleeting majorities. The great evil, they all agreed, was "faction," which meant narrow-minded interest groups that abandoned the public in favor of their own sectarian agendas, or played demagogue politics with issues in order to confuse the electorate

Though clearly against the agendas of political parties, Ellis does recognize the fact that even the earliest politicians of this nation (Washington, Adams, Jefferson, etc.) were also divided by political difference. Ellis argues, however, that such a division was the result of specific political ideology in regards to a specific issue, as opposed to the current system where parties divide out of mutual disdain. Ellis sites the farewell address of George Washington, along with the First Inaugural Address of Thomas Jefferson as evidence to support his claims. In both documents, Washington and Jefferson (two men with very different political leanings), urged their constituents to reject political loyalties, which they believed created a false sense of patriotism. In his Los Angeles Times article, Ellis argues that to criticize Obama for rejecting many of the accepted partisan beliefs of modern politics is not only foolish but against the historical precedent of this country.

To read Ellis's article in the Los Angeles times click here.

Martin Luther King Day

Being that today is Martin Luther King Day, I thought it appropriate to mention him on this blog. Though the American Revolution precedes him by almost 200 years, the contributions, legacy and memory of Martin Luther King can be tied to many of the ideals of the revolution itself.

In his most famous speech, which is arguably one of the greatest speeches in American history, King mentions the Founding Fathers as "the architects of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence," and how they had signed a "promissory note" that guaranteed equal rights for all citizens. Though paying homage to the legacy of the Founding Fathers, King does not shy away from mentioning that America (and the Founders indirectly) had "defaulted" on their promise of freedom.

Though this speech relates specifically to the 1960s Civil Rights movement, I think it would be unwise to negate the role of the American Revolution, and its ideology of freedom and slavery. After all, these ideals shaped future events for generations to come.

Here is King's "I Have a Dream" Speech:

Washington Delivers First Ever State of the Union Speech

Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution states that the President of the United States is required to...

"...from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient;..."

On January 8, 1790 President George Washington delivered the first ever State of the Union address. His address was highly anticipated by virtually everyone in Congress, since nobody was quite sure how the Executive branch was to work. In his speech, Washington clearly stated his administration's expected course of action. With a tremendous amount of help from Alexander Hamilton, Washington dedicated his administration to strengthening the federal government. One of Washington's primary goals was to strengthen the national defense by creating a standing army (an idea that was very unpopular at the time). Washington suggested that one of the primary goals of the federal government was to "provide for the common defense."

I have attached a copy of Washington's first State of the Union address below. It is a wonderful document, and I encourage you to take the time to read it. Enjoy!


State of the Union
George Washington
January 8, 1790
Federal Hall, New York City


Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

I embrace with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents itself of congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our public affairs. The recent accession of the important state of north Carolina to the Constitution of the United States (of which official information has been received), the rising credit and respectability of our country, the general and increasing good will toward the government of the Union, and the concord, peace, and plenty with which we are blessed are circumstances auspicious in an eminent degree to our national prosperity.

In resuming your consultations for the general good you can not but derive encouragement from the reflection that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to your constituents as the novelty and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope. Still further to realize their expectations and to secure the blessings which a gracious Providence has placed within our reach will in the course of the present important session call for the cool and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and wisdom.

Among the many interesting objects which will engage your attention that of providing for the common defense will merit particular regard. To be prepared for war is on e of the most effectual means of preserving peace.

A free people ought not only to be armed, but disciplined; to which end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite; and their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent of others for essential, particularly military, supplies.

The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable will be entitled to mature consideration. In the arrangements which may be made respecting it it will be of importance to conciliate the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to economy.

There was reason to hope that the pacific measures adopted with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians would have relieved the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers from their depredations, but you will perceive from the information contained in the papers which I shall direct to be laid before you (comprehending a communication from the Commonwealth of Virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford protection to those parts of the Union, and, if necessary, to punish aggressors.

The interests of the United States require that our intercourse with other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable me to fulfill my duty in that respect in the manner which circumstances may render most conducive to the public good, and to this end that the compensation to be made to the persons who may be employed should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and a competent fund designated for defraying the expenses incident to the conduct of foreign affairs.

Various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.

Uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the United States is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly attended to.

The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all proper means will not, I trust, need recommendation; but I can not forbear intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, and of facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country by a due attention to the post-office and post-roads.

Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one in which the measures of government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours it is proportionably essential.

To the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways - by convincing those who are intrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness - cherishing the first, avoiding the last - and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws.

Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a national university, or by any other expedients will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session the resolution entered into by you expressive of your opinion that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity. In this sentiment I entirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to devise such a provision as will be truly with the end I add an equal reliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the legislature.

It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and interests of the United States are so obviously so deeply concerned, and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration.

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:

I have directed the proper officers to lay before you, respectively, such papers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended to your consideration, and necessary to convey to you that information of the state of the Union which it is my duty to afford.

The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed, and I shall derive great satisfaction from a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government.